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When Economic Regulation Becomes Strategy: The EU’s Fragmented Tax-Trade-Investment Governance Gap
Greenland and Europe’s Power Gap
Quick Briefs from last week
At the European Relations Association, early-career researchers, students, and young professionals can gain publishing experience and other forms of professional exposure with us at an early stage. We aim to make this opportunity accessible to as many young people as possible through voluntary positions for those who wish to contribute to a high-quality European discourse alongside their studies and/or professional commitments.
Towards EU Accession: Ukraine’s transformation story
Inside Israeli-German Economic Relations
Taken by ISIS
Language in War: The invisible Front line in Ukraine
From Digital Readiness to Economic Results in Hungary
This analysis discovers Hungary’s digital ecosystem, revealing its strengths and weaknesses. By connecting quantitative data about the country’s digital economy sectors with the broader geopolitical context, the analysis describes how a well-strategized improvement in Hungary’s digital economy could lead to geopolitical leverage, not only in the Danube region but also in the European Union. By connecting Western capital with the Eastern growth market, the state could overcome the main challenge most countries face in the case of the digital economy and evolve from an agenda-taker to an agenda-setter actor, with increased leverage within the European Union.
Venezuela: The country at the intersection of the Monroe Doctrine and energy dominance
The United States’ action in Venezuela in early January sparked lively debate around the world, focusing primarily on the country’s oil reserves and their future. Our analysis also fits into this narrative, examining the events in Venezuela and the possible chain reactions of US intervention in light of Washington’s pursuit of energy dominance. We hypothesize that, for Washington, Venezuela’s oil reserves could bring more than just influence over the global price of crude oil. At the regional level, the US could increase its influence over Cuba, while also appearing to defuse the territorial conflict between Venezuela and Guyana, which has become increasingly heated in recent years. At the global level, bringing Venezuela’s oil wealth under US control could be part of a strategy to strengthen the US position vis-à-vis both OPEC and China, the world’s largest oil importer. Moreover, developments could even have an impact on Russia. America’s push for energy dominance of this kind, as well as the occurrence and impact of its possible chain reactions, depends on several factors, starting with the resolution of security, economic, and oil sector issues in Venezuela, as well as the level of control America may be able to gain over other OPEC members, such as Iraq or Iran.
No Autonomy Without Access: Europe’s Maritime Dependence and the Limits of Strategic Autonomy
Strategic autonomy has become the EU’s shorthand for greater agency, but at sea autonomy depends first on access. Europe’s economy and security rely on sea-borne trade, maritime chokepoints, and seabed infrastructure that carries energy and data; these arteries can be disrupted cheaply and ambiguously below the threshold of open conflict. The paper asks to what extent EU maritime strategic autonomy relies on security provisions outside EU control and what institutional and operational steps can reduce this vulnerability. It develops a conceptual framework linking strategic autonomy to sea-power thinking and weaponized interdependence, treating chokepoints and seabed systems as leverage sites where disruption quickly generates economic risk and political urgency. The analysis finds that EU maritime governance tools and mission-based operations can mitigate crises but does not yet provide a durable, multi-theatre access guarantee. High-end enablers (ISR, logistics, command integration, surge) remain largely U.S.-enabled through NATO. The paper proposes recalibrating autonomy as layered access management: Sense (domain awareness and attribution), Shield (resilience, redundancy, rapid repair and legal clarity), and Surge (readiness and pre-agreed force packages), increasing Europe’s contribution while staying NATO-compatible. Key words: strategic autonomy; maritime security; seabed infrastructure, interdependence
The (im)possible mission of holding Frontex accountable – An analysis of the different direct fundamental rights accountability mechanisms.
Border protection and control is a human rights sensitive field and Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, is working in it. Thus, there is a need to give a possibility to hold Frontex accountability if it breaches fundamental rights. After all, as stated by Article 47 of the Charter, “[everyone] whose rights and freedoms guaranteed by the law of the Union are violated has the right to an effective remedy before a tribunal”. Although the importance of accountability is undisputable, holding Frontex accountable is easier said than done. This is due to the Agency only coordinating and organising with Member States and supporting them. Besides the option to hold the Agency directly accountable before the Court of Justice, there is only one internal mechanism allowing victims to complain directly to the Agency, but all of these possibilities have one thing in common, namely that their effectiveness is disputed. This includes criticisms on the access to the mechanisms, them not considering the vulnerable position of the refugees and their impartiality, which makes it relevant to raise the question: How can the external and internal direct accountability mechanisms of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency be evaluated in light of the way they operate and the challenges they face in ensuring accountability for fundamental rights violations? In order to answer this question, the essay will first have a closer look at the external accountability through CJEU Actions and then discuss internal accountability through the Individual Complaint Mechanism. In their respective chapters, the accountability mechanisms will be described, analysed and tested against the research question. The analysis will make it possible to conclude on the question posed and to offer recommendations for the improvement of the mechanisms.
Die Konstruktion von Öffentlichkeit in der digitalen EU-Bürgerbeteiligungsplattform
Wie verändert sich Öffentlichkeit, wenn politische Diskussionen auf staatlich geschaffene digitale Plattformen verlagert werden? Am Beispiel der EU-Bürgerbeteiligungsplattform analysiert diese Arbeit, ob hier tatsächlich neue Räume für öffentliche Aushandlung entstehen – oder ob die Vorgaben und Moderation eher eine gelenkte Form von Öffentlichkeit schaffen. Im Fokus stehen die Chancen, Grenzen und der konkrete Nutzen solcher Plattformen für die politische Teilhabe. Ziel ist es, neue Perspektiven für die Analyse und Gestaltung digitaler Öffentlichkeiten zu eröffnen. How does the concept of the public sphere change when political discussions are shifted to state-created digital platforms? Using the example of the EU citizen participation platform, this paper analyses whether truly new spaces for public deliberation are emerging, – or whether official guidelines and moderation are instead creating a steered form of publicness. The focus is on opportunities, limitations, and tangible benefits of such platforms for political participation. The aim is to open up new perspectives for analyzing and shaping digital public spheres
Krieg in Europa: Russlands „Militärische Spezialoperation“
The Russian attack on Ukraine on 24 February 2022 marks a serious turning point in the European security order and raises fundamental questions about the causes of international conflicts. This thesis examines the motives behind Russia’s so-called ‘special military operation’ on the basis of two central theories of international relations: neorealism and constructivism. With the help of a theory-led congruence analysis, the extent to which these theories can contribute to explaining Russia’s behaviour is analysed. (German Original) Der russische Angriff auf die Ukraine am 24. Februar 2022 markiert eine gravierende Zäsur in der europäischen Sicherheitsordnung und wirft fundamentale Fragen über die Ursachen internationaler Konflikte auf. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Beweggründe für die sogenannte „militärische Spezialoperation“ Russlands auf Grundlage zweier zentraler Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen: dem Neorealismus und dem Konstruktivismus. Mithilfe einer theoriegeleiteten Kongruenzanalyse wird analysiert, inwiefern diese Theorien zur Erklärung des russischen Verhaltens beitragen können.
The Colonized Connection and International Irishness
Throughout the summer of 2023, Ireland’s citizens and political leaders alike were largely in agreement on the issue of Israel and Palestine, and specifically, that Ireland needed to do more to assist in reaching a solution to the conflict. As a traditionally isolationist, neutral state on Europe’s periphery, Ireland has traditionally not concerned itself with the actions of other states so far away from its borders – fearful of appearing partial. Yet upon closer inspection, this recent round of debate (on this occasion sparked by Israel’s incursion into Jenin Refugee Camp in July) represents simply the latest development of Ireland’s historic sympathies and moral support with the people of Palestine. What makes this occasion unique, however, is that Ireland’s political leaders are in agreement that the Emerald Isle must do more. As other European neutrals abandon their neutrality for NATO membership, Ireland’s leaders may be correct. The current thesis aimed to explore how the Republic of Ireland’s national identity is undergoing a transformation through foreign policy discourses. It is believed that Ireland’s political leadership are utilising the Israel- Palestine conflict, one with which Ireland can identify with, to change its national identity away from a passive neutral state on Europe’s periphery to an international moral superpower – that can truly demonstrate the power of active neutrality. The current thesis adopts a historicist-social constructivist lens and utilises Ruth Wodak’s DHA variant of CDA to analyse the discourse of Ireland’s top politicians surrounding two case study events roughly two decades apart. These events were the 2002 ‘Battle for Jenin’ and the 2023 ‘Jenin Incursion.’ It was believed that by examining the discourse surrounding these two events, one may understand how Ireland’s political leadership is changing Ireland’s neutral foreign policy, and thus national identity, from passive to active – and from isolated to moral superpower. To examine the extent that Ireland may be positioning itself to be the EU’s moral superpower, a brief illustrative case study comparison with Austria is adopted. The adoption of this case study provided the author with the opportunity to discuss how Ireland’s political leadership is contributing to this transformation. Though Ireland may be some time away from fully realising this identity, a difference was observed in the discourse of both sets of Irish politicians, twenty years apart. Ireland now realises its ability to influence the world on such matters, and has confidence in its ability to lead on foreign policy issues.
Viability & Implementation of European Strategic Autonomy in Defence
Recent remarks and long-held positions by former and current US officials have underscored the urgency of European nations meeting their defense spending commitments within NATO . Such statements have reignited debates regarding Europe’s capacity to guarantee its security independently, against the backdrop of the two year anniversary and the decade long struggle for peace in the War in Ukraine, taking place in a political climate of election outcome uncertainty within the Alliance in 2024. European States have committed themselves to boost defense capabilities, increase defense budgets and further cooperation , which has in fact led to a „unprecedented rise“ of 11% in defense spending in 2023 alone. The internal sovereignty of the EU’s member states and their vastly different capabilities and policies on security however, together with the integration of NATO, of most EU Member states, have formed a vague and ambiguous system that guarantees strategic and territorial security within the mutual defense clauses of the NATO Framework, but doesn’t for see or stipulate a joint European force or alternative, despite the long term objectives found in the EUGS . Cooperation in a collective 5 defense strategy still remains contentious and efforts to ensure efficiency and interoperability remain limited. This policy paper examines the viability of establishing a joint EU coordinating force based on existing structures to integrate member states’ militaries more effectively. While advocating for this approach as the primary recommendation, alternative policy options will also be explored.
